Commentary: Mickela Must Join with UNC or PNM Wins

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File Photo: Mickela Panday with her late father Basdeo Panday. AZP News/Azlan Mohammed

By Dr Neil Gosine

IN Trinidad and Tobago’s politics, Mickela Panday, daughter of former prime minister Basdeo Panday, faces a formidable challenge.

As she prepares to contest the general elections, her strategy of running independently without forming an alliance with the opposition party, the United National Congress (UNC), raises critical questions about her chances of success in the country’s 41 constituencies.

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Let’s look at it historically and within our Political Landscape. Mickela Panday comes from a storied political lineage. Her father, Basdeo Panday, was a key figure in Trinidad and Tobago’s political history, leading the UNC and serving as prime minister from 1995 to 2001. The Panday name carries significant weight, particularly among the older electorate who remember her father’s tenure and contributions. However, the political landscape has evolved considerably since then.

The UNC remains a dominant force in Trinidad and Tobago’s opposition politics. Under the leadership of Kamla Persad-Bissessar, the party has maintained a strong grassroots base, especially in constituencies with significant Indo-Trinidadian populations. The party’s organisational structure, voter loyalty, and established grassroots networks present a formidable advantage in the electoral race.

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The great challenge of going it alone may see both parties suffer defeat at the polls. Mickela Panday’s decision to run independently, without aligning with the UNC, presents several strategic challenges.

By running independently she risks fragmenting the opposition vote. In the marginal constituencies in particular, the opposition needs to present a united front to compete effectively against the incumbent People’s National Movement (PNM). A divided opposition could lead to vote-splitting, ultimately benefiting the PNM. Giving them the advantage to run away with a victory at the polls.

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Elections require substantial resources—financial, logistical and human. This would be challenging for any party but for a new one even more so. The UNC’s established infrastructure provides significant support to its candidates. Running independently means Mickela Panday would need to build a similar network from scratch, a daunting task in a short election cycle. Only time will tell if she can get the financial backing she needs to win.

While Mickela Panday’s surname carries historical significance, translating that into a modern, cohesive political message that resonates with a diverse electorate is challenging. The UNC has a tested and recognisable brand, while Panday would need to differentiate herself and articulate a compelling vision to attract voters. The UNC’s strength lies in its grassroots mobilisation. Engaging communities, organising rallies, and ensuring voter turnout are critical components of an election strategy. Without the UNC’s tried and tested machinery, Mickela Panday might struggle to achieve the same level of engagement and mobilisation.

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Developing and communicating a comprehensive policy platform that addresses the electorate’s needs is crucial. The UNC’s established platform provides a starting point for candidates, while an independent run requires developing policies from scratch and ensuring they gain visibility amidst the noise of a crowded political landscape.

Mickela Panday needs to look at this strategically, forming an alliance with the UNC or negotiating a coalition could significantly increase her chances. By aligning with the UNC, she could benefit from the party’s resources, voter base, and organisational strength. Such a move would also present a united opposition front, increasing the likelihood of success in key marginal constituencies. Another strategic move maybe to focus on specific constituencies where her personal brand and message may resonate more effectively. Concentrating efforts on a few strategic areas rather than spreading resources thin across all 41 constituencies might yield better results.

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Mickela Panday’s ambition to contest the general elections independently reflects her desire to carve out her own distinct political identity. However, the rift between her and the Opposition Leader Kamla Persad-Bissessar needs to be put aside for the greater picture of removing the PNM from office challenges. By going it alone without the support of the UNC is significant. Fragmented votes, resource constraints, and the need for a robust grassroots network are formidable hurdles to overcome. If we are to win the elections in 2025 and ensure our chances, strategic alliances and focused campaigning in select constituencies could be more effective.

As Trinidad and Tobago approaches the next election, the political manoeuvres and alliances formed in the coming months will be critical in shaping the outcome. Mickela Panday’s path is fraught with challenges, and her ability to navigate them will determine her political future.


Neil Gosine is an insurance executive. He was appointed a temporary Opposition Senator and is also the treasurer of the UNC and a former chairman of the National Petroleum Marketing Company of Trinidad and Tobago. He holds a Doctorate in Business Administration, a Master’s in Business Administration MBA, BSC in Mathematics and a BA in Administrative Studies. The views and comments expressed in this column are not necessarily those of AZP News, a Division of Complete Image Limited
.

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One thought on “Commentary: Mickela Must Join with UNC or PNM Wins

  1. The mistake Kamla Persad Bissessar made was to take advise from “PNM” agent Jearlean John for the UNC to contest the 2015 and 2020 General Elections by itself. Why would the UNC want Mickela Panday to join with them? Why didn’t Kamla ask her to join in 2015 and 2020. Mickela cannot and will not be the difference. Kamla has to convince the electorates to vote for her, which is impossible because of her vindictive tendencies.

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